Women and Irish Republicanism (IRA) 1914-74

Women and Irish Republicanism 1914-1974.

Nationalism is the most powerful visionary concept conceived by philosophers to galvanise a group into a single political entity. The particular brand in vogue in 20^th Century Ireland differed little from that promulgated by the ‘bold Fenian men’ two generations earlier. Herein lay the problem for the crop of increasingly conscious feminist advocates in simultaneous ascendancy with the Irish Ireland movement. Feminism was never synthesised with the privileged manifestation of the ‘citizen soldier’ nor does this appear to have ever been purported amongst nationalist leaders. Nevertheless an assessment of republican women is still merited for several reasons. Primarily, the embryonic consciousness fostered among a reasonably diverse group of women demands explanation. Chiefly, what role did they play in the formulation, implementation and maintaining of the revolutionary upsurge which culminated in 1921? Is Peter Hart accurate in his claims that, “Just 1,800 men were responsible for the Anglo-Irish war"? In her assessment of the status of republican women, how accurate is Margaret Ward that, “Cumann na mBan were always standing behind the IRA"? Undoubtedly, republican women have suffered disproportionately from prison and internment, ironically moreso under successive indigenous regimes ranging from 300 in 1923 to 38 in 1940’s and 300 again in 1971. Surprisingly, this has largely been ignored by historians and consequently requires further illumination. Additionally, the Northern Ireland conflict has seen a reinvigoration in women’s participation, to what extent this has brought changes in their role and status, demands both elucidation and explanation. Evidentially, the 2^nd generation of leading republican women differ vastly when juxtaposed with the grand titles and manors of the revolutionary icons of previous generations, how has this impacted upon their role and status? Is Arxtega correct when she describes them as latter republican women as ‘feminists’? Lastly, how have republicans used women in their visual imagery and propaganda in both movements, to what extent has this changed over time? In short, what has been learned from women’s liaison with republicanism?

Part 1: Women and Political agitation.

(i)

During the Irish revolution 1912-23, women were involved considerably at a national level in politicking. Appendix A includes a database of over 75 women who had some part to play in national politics. Previous flirtations with leadership of politics had provoked strong rebuke from male quarters. The Ladies Land League in 1881 received condemnation for their refusal to be “controlled" from all quarters. Inghinidhe na hÉireann in its formative years 1900-3 had provided an invaluable bulwark against Queen Victoria’s visit, with Gonnes ‘petticoat protest’ typifying the revolutionary leadership. The part the cultural republicans such as Maloney, Mary Collum (Maguire), Gonne, and the Gifford sisters played in the creation of the Abbey Theatre and Irish stage productions aimed at culturally transforming Ireland was significant. Critically, their resilience had survived considerable tests and “Bean na hÉireann" had shown them capable of harnessing their ability to present the first women led journal to their flock. In fact amongst Dublin newsagents it became the butt of jokes that many men began subscribing to it. Suffragette campaigns 1912-14 including the 22 hunger strikes, had shown that nationalist Ireland wasn’t ready for the wholesale incorporation of women into mainstream politics. Politically minded women did participate in Sinn Fein including eight women were on the original executive in 1905, and local branches could nominate women as delegates to the Ard Fheis. By 1914 therefore, previous forays had demonstrated women’s capability to formulate and lead national campaigns.

The Easter leader’s proclamation in 1916 promised equality for women and their inclusion was heralded by Ward as, “the culmination of all their aspirations". Even McCoole drew positive conclusions. That Pearse himself could claim, “One of the best ways to love a woman was to thrash her" hardly boded well for a future alliance. In truth both historians have been over optimistic in their interpretations. Comparisons with the 1776 declaration in Philadelphia are not merited, it’s inconceivable that any 20^th Century proclamation would consider excluding such a promise. The co-opting of eight male Frongach prisoners onto the Sinn Fein executive after 1916 provided the catalyst where women led by Aine Ceannt insisted it be replicated for women. The 1917 conferences demands were only partially met by the Sinn Fein executive with four being co-opted. Later, five women formed part of the Sinn Fein executive at the Mansion House Ard Fheis in October 1917, but the total number of delegates was a paltry 12 from 1000. Sinn Fein’s stance was exemplified at local level, where Sheehy-Skeffington criticised local Cumann’s for remaining “all male affairs". The herding of women to sign anti-conscription petition’s on ‘National Women’s day’ on June 10th 1918 was a far cry from the catalyst of the Russian revolutionary women a year before.

In December 1918 the recent gain of the vote by women and the right to sit as MP’s presented an ideal opportunity for Sinn Fein to present their “proclamation credentials". Winifred Carney’s nomination for the East Belfast seat has been wrongly interpreted by most sources. As Connolly’s secretary it was the correct decision to present her for election in the Belfast protestant constituency, which has a long tradition for left wing sympathies. Less convincing was the suggestion to Hannah Sheehy-Skeffington that she stand in North Antrim, which she of course refused. Subsequently, it was left to Markievicz to represent women’s interests in the first Dail. Her wealth and status in no way typical of many republican women. Mulachy’s ‘machinations’ to prevent Kathleen Clarke standing from prison, is but one overt betrayal of republican men’s hegemonic attitudes to ‘Irish Citizenship’. R. English is right to afford the women electorate an eminent role in the election success of Sinn Fein in 1918 certainly The Times was crediting women for the victory as early as December 30^th.The second Dial elections saw the election of six women, which in context is a fantastic number by European standards. Only Kollontai in Lenin’s executive could match the promotion of Markievicz to the cabinet in 1919. Mc Coole, Ward and Connell have all been anxious to quantify this occurrence with the fact that 66% of the aforementioned TD’s owed genealogical factors to their good fortune.

During the war year’s women’s editorship of ‘The Irish Bulletin’, fundraising activities and the participation on the circuit courts by women such as Buckley and Clarke ensured de facto governance resided with the Sinn Fein movement. The picketing of the British Embassy in New York on the 5^th April 1920 is evidence of women emigrants playing their part as was the presentation of a petition by Sheehy-Skeffington to President Wilson. Following the truce in July 1921, Markievicz found herself demoted from the cabinet, the token woman having served the purpose intended. During the treaty debate all women voted against the treaty and Markievicz was eminent among those who staged a walkout of the Dail. The impact of the republican women during the revolution was three fold. They gave the Sinn Fein movement the semblance of being progressive (the truth would only emerge later). Additionally, de facto control of Ireland would have been impossible without them. Lastly, it gave the first generation of republican women a chance to hone their skills of leadership and organisation. Catherine Hall is correct to echo Valente’s theory that if republican men were on the perihery of politcs then women well outside the “putative system" Mary Robinson’s claim that instead of rocking the cradle Irish women rocked the system would be an over exaggeration of the role women played in this period.

(ii)

A comparative analysis of the role and status of republican women within the Northern Irish conflict is best begun with the 200,000 votes cast in Sinn Fein’s favour in 1957. Mary McSwiney, Margaret Buckley, and Maire Comerford all had a central role in guiding Sinn Fein through the barren years 1923-56, but the escalation of Sinn Fein’s fortunes had an inverted effect on women’s role, there was no-one to take their place. The abdication of the Catholic Church and the propertied classes to the plight of northern republicans had two effects. Firstly, new recruits would almost exclusively emanate from the labouring classes (many unemployed) and the absence to a pivotal symbol of the church from republicanism removed a pillar of patriarchy, which could pave the way for renewed participation of women. Appendix E includes a database of over 70 women in this period but the vast majority made forays into physical force republicanism. What women lost in providing a leadership role within republicanism, the desperate lack of finance, organisation, power and the extremity of the situation which republicanism found itself, allowed a previously unseen urban solidarity in which spontaneous mass participation of women was embraced.

Maire Drumm was the acting president of Sinn Fein and was responsible for the opening of Sinn Fein’s offices on the Falls Road that provoked such outrage from Paisleyites in 1973. Additionally, the Sinn Fein secretary Mairin De Burca was nominated of the North Dublin by election in 1973.The election of Bernadette Devlin in 1972 heralded the beginning of educated women coming from Queen’s University entering politics. Though a small amount of women were at the forefront of the Peace Women (Corrigan & Dougherty), Sinn Fein (Drumm & De Burca), the PD’s (Devlin) and NICRA (Sinclair & Davidson), it would be inaccurate to equate this trend with that of the former period. Wealthy women had all but abandoned republicanism. Overseas additions were confined to a few Mairead Keane from USA who would later lead a Women’s formulation committee in Sinn Fein, and Christine Elias from Canada who suffered a character assassination by Gerry Adams because he feared how quickly she was rising thought the ranks. New republicanism was a catholic, working class affair were spontaneity and solidarity replaced the inspired leadership of the manor house women of Dublin.

A two month sample of participation of women in republicanism in March-April 1973 shows that 25% of activities of republican women were through legitimate politics. Women’s action groups (WAG’s) were evident across most northern towns. Firstly, the O’Neill’s Avenue WAG, Courtenay Hill and Hennessey park women were influential in the organisation of the infamous 25,000 Newry demonstrators which followed Bloody Sunday. Also, the Derrybeg residents committee in Newry was influential in organising protests against the plastic bullets in 1973. Moreover, the ‘Falls’ Women led many marches to the barriers in the early 1970’s and the falls women’s groups led protests to Mairead Corrigan’s 1975-6 peace movement. Though Margaret Dougherty’s 1972 peace campaign may have led calls for a cessation, these women’s allegiances lay with the nationalist agenda. The 500 women who protested against the internment of 19 year old Brigid McKee in Andersonstown is yet another example of urban mass participation. Drumm at the meeting proclaimed, “For every woman interned fifty will take their place". The 3,000 women who marched with food into curfew stricken areas of West Belfast was evidence of the growing solidarity amongst women, though Molyneux would no doubt urge caution because of the practical gendered interests of the women who became involved. The Ballymurphy women who formed peace barriers in 1971 are evidence of spontaneous action by republican women to avoid the descent into war. In short therefore urbanisation promoted solidarity amongst women that facilitated spontaneity of action that was unseen in the quite remotes of Balinaleep. The burning of ballot papers by the Derry Women in 1973 or the fundraising campaigns is a typical manifestation of such spontaneity. The Times reported a catalogue of ‘personation’ charges against republican women who attempted to vote more than once in boosting Sinn Fein’s mandate in the 1970’s. What the 2^nd generation of republican women lost in leadership they certainly made up for in common action, the sum total of which probably left women in a healthier position to move forward in the second conflict.

Part 2: Women and physical force.

(i)

Women had a deep and complex affiliation with physical force republicanism during the Irish revolution. In 1913 the IRB paper ‘Irish freedom’ proclaimed there was, ‘nothing unwomanly about active participation’. The formation of Cumann na mBan in 1914 was a check on the progress hitherto since it regimented subordination reinforcing the peripheralisation of citizenship alluded to by Valente. That Kathleen Clarke, Lily O’Brien amongst others were at the forefront in its inception did not auger well for these women had no desire for a reconstitution of male/female relations, ‘since the Clarke marriage itself was a military hierarchy based on gender’. Agnes O’Farelly embraced the cumanns auxiliary status telling women they should be proud to stand behind their men. When the ‘men’ went out on Easter Monday, 200 women joined them. Later Jenny Wyse Power would dispute this when she said, ‘the women cheered and the men went out and fought’, though Dr Kathleeen Lynn a captain in the ICA retorted, ‘If it wasn’t for women, Easter week would not have happened’. Connolly’s ICA had promoted women freely Markievicz herself was a major. Women embraced functions such as carrying despatches, nursing, providing safe houses, but also full military operations. Margaret Skinnider’s maintenance of a women’s equal right to die (entailing the throwing of grenades) demonstrated the boundaries which the ICA women’s idea of equality went. Of the 67 arrested all except 6 ICA’s were released shortly afterwards.

Later events at Soloheadbeg on 20^th January 1919 sparked widespread participation throughout the countryside. T Hart and Garvin’s assumptions of only 1800 male characters are a dangerous simplification of the nature of the conflict. With already 600 cumann’s in existence by 1918, women now formed the front line in the war against the Tans and RIC. The nature of Guerrilla warfare afforded the men relatively comfortable conditions for the contest. Safe houses, very low casualties, outstanding supply and communication lines provided them much greater comfort that General MaCready’s forces. His memo to Lloyd George in May 1921 revealed as much. Knowledge of terrain and a sympathetic populace meant the theatre of war was very different for opposing forces. Almost simultaneously to this memo was the arrest of four IRA women Spies in London this marking the first foray of women into the English territory. The extent to which women acted as a bulwark cannot be overestimated. Though M. Collins has often been credited with masterminding the escape of De Valera, less is made of the two IRA women who ‘flirted’ and ‘distracted’ soldiers patrolling the ferry so that De Valera could avoid detection. Connell’s account of Longford certainly suggests that Hart’s assumptions are oversimplified, with the accounts of Bridget McGuiness, Mrs McGrath or Maura Connolly all of whom were involved in the purchasing and transportation of guns. It is impossible to confirm nationwide participation but taking into account reports in East Clare and national membership figures it is not unreasonable to assume that as many as 1000 women could have been involved in an active role. This of course would exclude individuals such as the Longford Postmistress whose intelligence work though equally valuable she was constrained by maintaining her business as others were their families. 2^nd Generation republicans would bypass these constraints by recruiting direct from the unemployed ghettoes.

Without women republicans, de facto control of large sways of Munster and Leinster could never have been accomplished. Worth noting was the inverted proportion of women involved as active soldiers in comparison with the 200 in Dublin in Easter week. There is no evidence that women desired their participation to lead to female emancipation. Amongst the rural population Connell is correct to conclude that the existing state of flux was ample reward for the involvement of these single women. Postmistresses became spies, young women became gun runners, older women embraced nursing etc. This was a far cry from Farrelly’s envisaged dancing classes in 1914, constitutional changes in 1916 to allow military participation accepted as much. Ward is correct to emphasise that these women remained subordinate to their male counterparts but wrong in her assumptions that this was ever perceived as a problem among the rank and file. It is true that the honorary membership of wives and sisters of 1916 martyr’s was generally met with resentment, but key to this was that these women neglected to attend meetings of the cumann’s. There is also some truth that ‘Cumann na mBan resented being regarded as Sinn Fein’s womens clubs’, but only amongst an elite few (principally Gonne and Sheehy-Skeffington), was there any concern that the spirit of the “proclamation" should be enshrined in the Dail’s constitution. Nonetheless their success in bringing about the July truce is considerable. At best it can be accepted that amongst many women there was abstract notion that things would get better, exactly how it’s not clear- even Sheehy-Skeffington had yet formulated a coherent policy.

IRA commandant Brennan credited women with a significant praise for their part in the Anglo-Irish war ‘The IRA flying columns would have collapsed without Cumman na mBan’. Bowden offers some support for this, “Militarily the success of the IRA was due to its speed mobility and intelligence". Tom Barry is less enthusiastic, ‘Cummann na mBan were indespensable but their sole purpose was helpng the IRA". Peter Hart’s claim that, “women did not feel belittled or marginalised" is largley true among rank and file but he ignores the not inconsiderable consternation among several leading republicans. When the treaty was concluded on 6^th December 1921 women were the first to come out against it, with 419 voted against the treaty and 63 in favour. T. Barry coined the phrase ‘mummy’s boy syndrome’ in his condemnation of women’s influence over some men’s rejection of the treaty. That Barry fought in Europe 1916 whilst his wife Leslie was in the GPO in 1916 was of course omitted. Later Barry would have the most unlikely of supporters when De Valera described these women as, ‘The most unmanageable revolutionaries’. For now, the desperate predicament that the anti-treaty forces found themselves in resulted in promotion for women. In the post civil war ‘Jury, Bass and Easter Lily campaigns’ gave women a central role in providing an alternative of the pro-treaty government. Barren fortunes conclusively improved women’s role and status within republicanism.

(ii)

In comparing the involvement of Republican women in the Northern Ireland conflict, McClintock’s wider theory that ‘Women are scenic background to the big brass business of male armies’ cannot be applied. The modern conflict has brought a spectacular explosion of women into IRA active units. Appendix B is a database of principal republican women in this period a vast number who played the highest possible military role. Whilst the border conflict brought just one imprisonment of Bridie O’ Neil and only one other chronicled active involvement of women (Carmel O’Boyle at Stormont), Subsequent militarism particularly in London meant the division of labour was shattered. The new cohort of women preferred anonymity to the glamorous photo-shoots or stage productions of previous generations. Cumann na mBan became outdated though it survived (siding with the officials in the 1970 split) many new girls were trained in military hardware without the knowledge of women veterans such as Comferford or O’Donnell who would have certainly disproved.

The dynamism of emigrant communites has long afforded women the potential to reshape their status. 1970’s Kilburn was no different. The recruiting of 17 year old English girl Carole Richardson into an IRA bombing unit is but one example. Cumann girls led funerals of martyrs in full military uniform through London and many led campaigns to free prisoners such as Gaughan who died on hungerstrike while in England. Maureen Coyle is just one London Bomber who called Kilburn home in 1973 originally from Derry and whose father was staff captain of PIRA she is just one example of the familialism alluded to by Hart. Additionally the recruitment of British soldier Judith Ward in 1973 (later released on miscarriage of justice for M62 bombings) into Sinn Fein and republican circles is indicative of the new approach to recruitment by the IRA. The gunrunning of Maire Maguire through Dutch ports in 1971 is an example of how women played a key role in equipping the IRA. One interesting example of mass participation was the arrest of 38 women dressed in full military uniform outside the London court protesting against the arrest of four IRA men in 1971. The fighting and obstruction of court which followed is evidence of greater numbers of low status women affiliating themselves with republicanism. Probably the best example of the new ‘citizen soldier status’ of these republicna women was the leading of an active 8 member bombing unit by Dolores Price a 22 year old student teacher in 1973. She was in command of a unit of male veterans and her 19 year old sister Marian who achieved the nickname of ‘armalite widow’ for her shooting expertise and Dolores led a series of attacks in London. Worryingly though it is ironic that two university teachers found greater hope for promotion within the IRA than in Sinn Fein.

Married women could still get involved though, 47 year old Margaret McGowans embezzlement of £75,000 pounds for the IRA in Cheltenham is a strand of this continued involvement The ‘hen patrols’ and violent opposition to forced internment of their husbands and sons afforded married women a role in the struggle. In Newry Derrybeg’s ‘petticoat brigade' and the 'Derry bin-bashers' typifies the way in which their guardianship of the local community was viewed. Some of the old functions remained notably safe housing and transportation of small arms. The transit van and telephone removed the necessity for such a large pool of volunteers and the sophistication of guerrilla tactics meant a standing army of approximately 1500 was all that was required to implement an effective campaign Peter Hart , “Republicanism seemed to run in families" though commenting on the first conflict it can be equally applied to the Northern Conflict specifically in the cases of Maguire, McArdle and Nugent families all of which could claim involvement since the Fenian’s. Unlike the nun-educated nurses which typified the women of Easter 1916, the Ballymacarret and Ardoyne ghettos offered instead very young and long term unemployed women who possessed the character and determination to pay the ultimate price. What is so surprising is that unlike 1912-23 the IRA now admitted women freely to its ranks. The abdication of 18yr old Roisin McAnerney and her disappearance into hiding from Andersontown is evidence of how disloyal women could expect the same treatment as that of the men as was evidenced is the disappearance of Jean McConville. For the present women had finally achieved access to full citizenship promulgated by the bold Fenian men. This was later to be dramatically reversed as rural brigades reverted to old hegemonic ways.Contrary to Arxtega’s claims republican women did not regard themselves as feminists, in fact Farrell herself admitted as much, “Everyone tells me I’m a feminist, all I know is I’m definitely a socialist and definitely a republican’. Only in the 1980’s would the Northern conflict show any signs of exhibiting a feminist consciousness as that of Sheehy-Skeffington.

Part 3: Prison and Internment.

(i)

The Irish revolution saw significant involvement of republican women in interment and imprisonment. Initially, the suffragette episode of 1912-14 had established a framework for the treatment of women prisoners under British administration. Only twenty-seven republican women would ever find themselves interned and generally their treatment was very good though Lynn complained of ‘flea ridden blankets at Kilmainham in Easter week". Of the sixty-seven arrested in this week, just six remained long term (all of which were ICA’s). The Times would later scorn these women suggesting they only avoided execution because of their sex. Following their release, five further prisoners including Clarke and Markievizc found themselves imprisoned in England 1917-18. During this time the important work women done in feeding and regaining lost employment for prisoners largely went unnoticed. Almost 500 families were maintained in the immediate aftermath of the rising by the cumann’s efforts. By the time of the truce in July 1921 there was in total twenty-two women behind bars fifteen without charge. One example is the three Cotter girls form Cork who were given life for digging turnips near a later Black & Tan bombsite. In reality under the pro-treaty administration women suffered severely. The forced removal of almost 300 women into North Dublin Union and their internment on for their anti-treaty opposition surpassed all previous treatment. The mass hunger strike of 50 women which was aborted after 23 days broke down the gender constructs which appeared so rigid in the public domain. M. Buckley’s account, ‘the jangle of the keys’ reveals beatings, intimidation and strip-searching at the hands of former male comrades. The media largely ignored the plight of women instead the Women Prisoners Defence League spearheaded by Maloney and Despard drew attention to their plight. The ordering of an end to the hungerstrike on 11^th December 1922 by male leaders is one example of how the blurring of feminity horrified the men. The government finally released republican women in May 1923. The public preferred to shun these women and vice versa, many returning to pre-war lives of economic hardship and subordinated status. Later the release of male prisoners in 1932 was met by cheering crowds of 30,000 or more but in the climate of the civil war the release of these women was barely reported. Even as late as the 1950’s O’Coole reveals it was still a taboo subject in Irish Classrooms.

(ii)

The Northern Irish conflict saw a continuation of republican women’s involvement with internment and imprisonment. During the Second World War eighteen republican women mostly teenagers had been imprisoned. In 1956 Bridie O’Neill was interned for seven months, and in similar fashion to 1922 this ‘aroused no public outcry whatsoever’. Equivalent numbers (300) were interned in 1971, and in parallel fashion were once again mostly single unmarried women with no children. One marked difference is the status of these women with 2^nd generation of internees almost all unemployed. Though a lowly status, the division of labour evaporated in the private confines of Armagh Gaol almost in exact fashion as that of North Dublin Union. With 18 Hours a day in single padded cells, the torture, beatings and strip searches certainly defy the public feminity normally reserved for women. In 1974 Republican women kidnapped prison guards and held them hostage this coordinated activity is an extension of the opposition led by Buckley in North Dublin Union. The Armagh women had been on the blanket since 1976, and though by 1980 only 30 remained behind bars McArdle, Doyle and Farrell commenced a hungerstrike. That the men would later order them not to join the second strike is a replication of the patronisation suffered by Buckley and others in North Dublin Union. Fundraising for prisoners was largely the work of women with the PDF and Felons clubs affording women the role of collecting funds. Marjorie Leonard’s oral project concentrated on the felon’s club on the Stewartstown Road Belfast. Interestingly this incursion into the male domain of the ‘pub’ both in Kilburn and West Belfast marked the beginning of a breakdown of the gender construct within the Republican community this fundraising is in contrast with the earlier women who concentrated their efforts outside churches or at large gatherings.

The response of the public to the plight of women was more intense than previous periods. The Times also condemned this generation of republican women ‘A bizarre and foul exercise’ of the blanket. The spreading of menstrual blood on the walls was described by the Daily Telegraph as ‘self infliction’. Even the men at home implored their wives to behave and return home to their normal role. Later incursions into the world of education were without the support of their husbands. Marjorie Leonard’s work comprehensively dispels any notion that within their own community these women were heroes. Upon returning to their community the certainly saw no replication of the ‘playboy status’ of the male prisoners. Arxtega reveals their reception was very much the contrary, “This action resonated notions of savagery, irrationalness, and madness." One element of the effects of imprisonment which largely goes unchronicled is the effect on the families whose fathers had gone to jail. The plight of Rosina Doherty in Glasgow in 1974 is indicative of 1000,s of families in the hardship of raising families. One method used to cop with this problem was the doubling up of families with relatives or friends similar to the wartime evacuation in Britain.

Part 4: Visual Imagery and Propaganda.

(i)

The Irish revolution marked the first intensification of the use of women in visual imagery for propaganda purposes. In the Gaelic revival this was done with the beautiful and rich such as Gonne in Yeats play Cathleen ni Houlihan. Simultaneously, Inghinidhe na hÉireann themselves subsidised 2 plays, however the political visual imagery of the Irish Revolution is was of a different nature. Slogans such as “Vote as Mrs Pearse would" is a coarse forerunner for how things would develop. The photography of Markievicz in full military uniform along with the ICA marches provides some of the imagery. McCooles illumination of attempts to maximise the imagery of women prove an invaluable insight. Analyses of murals painted in the modern Irish conflict of the past conflict differ significantly from how women are portrayed in the Northern Irish war. The compiled database included in appendix D offers many examples of attempts to maximise the imagery of previous female involvement in republicanism. Winifred Carney and Nora Connolly’s mural was an attempt to portray continuity of republicans socialist credentials. Imagery of 1916 almost inevitably concentrates of Markeivizc’s but deletes the involvement of 200 other women. There is a considerable evolution from the Anna Pluarabelle or Roisin Dubh template devised by literary figures. The Cumann an mBan emblem which included a rifle showed a weakening of the rigidity of division of labour. In essence most of the visual imagery is primitive a crude attempts to equalise the gender roles…showing Markievicz brandishing a gun or ICA in full regalia. No attempt is sufficiently made to portray women as the victim and considering the impact the burnings of Balbriggan or Cork may have had on family households this is surprising.

(ii)

Subsequently, the Northern Irish conflict has revolutionised the exploitation of women in visual imagery for propaganda purposes. The depictions of modern women involved in the struggle contrasts extensively form the 1^st phase of republican women. Firstly, the clothing is much more practical and less grandiose in appearance often work uniforms or aprons thus betraying the diminishing economic status of recent participants. Additionally, the women become faceless very often wearing a mask instead the use of the midi skirt reveals their femininity. Whilst this is a natural occurrence considering the nature of the secret war there is a sense that individuals become less important. Furthermore, women as guardians of the community has developed from subsistence role to active engagement in protests and preventing internment. Imagery of banging bin lids, transporting bombs in prams, or indeed preventing sons being arrests are subtle attempts to elude to the expectations of republican motherhood. Ultimately, the greatest contrast from previous imagery is the sophisticated use of women as the victim. Copycat protests and imagery from Selma, Little Rock or Birmingham in the civil rights era in America have allowed republicans to engineer a ‘white nigger’ mentality. Specifically, imagery of police brutality on women becomes a key weapon. Many murals include female members of the community which suffered death in sectarian shootings or plastic bullets. Perceptively, it is evident that republicans are still unwilling to expose the full horrors of Armagh Gaol as in contrast to the Long Kesh murals, the former concentrate on the exterior of the prison rather than the menstrual protests which would most certainly have been too horrific for the community to digest.

Conclusions:

Republican struggles insert a dynamism into communities that offers the potential for women to flourish but rarely has this flux in fortunes become permanent. Kim McMullen’s assumption that, ‘Rejecting Nationalism is not the answer, instead attempts should be made to understand the present patriarchical hegemony’ is a dangerous conclusion. Geraldine Meany is perhaps too kind in her assertion that, “Colonised people tend to regiment gender roles". In truth the very survival of notions of common unity between women and republicans are born out of the injustices of the very jurisdiction they seek to extricate themselves from. It is ironic that only the achievement of independence can adequately dispel the notion that the two were ever compatible. Benedict Anderson, provides the best clue as to why the illusion has persisted, “nations are best understood as imagined communities". The closer the realisation of their imaginations become so then do the obvious tensions between the two. Davis and Anthias model of women’s particpation is for the most part an adequate model. Certianly a theme of continuity is evident in the importance nationalism places on the nurturing process and cultural guardianship. Though the 1916 proclamation and Sinn Fein manifestos have promised female emancipation there is rarely explicit claims from women of such potential. Whilst Republicanism still came first Farrell claimed, “If I’m still alive when the British are driven out, then the struggle begins anew". If anything women’s sole achievemnt in both episodes where in militaristic matters. An Glor Gafa was able to assert with validity in 1992 that, “'Irish women are every bit as revolutionary as Irish men and their resistance is every bit as fierce". We have seen how the sybolism which women are exploited for has become increasingly sophisticated. Diane Jones claim that “There is a logical relationship between national liberation and feminist liberation". Ignores most post colonial evidence in India or South Africa where common consenus is very different. Valente also is kind in his assertion that, imperial aggression constructed womanishness thus instigating Irish hyper masculinity". Even as late as the 1970’s Nell McCafferty was still able to claim with confidence, “Easier to get republicans to take up feminism than vice versa". The hunger striker Laurence McKeown certainly supports this notion lamenting how equality and respect for women was something that the men had to be taught. Republican women especially in rural areas of Northern Ireland have exhibited no desire for female emancipation. Indeed Mairead Keane admitted as much in her interview when she stated, “Women in Rural areas would have seen the women’s group as elite". Linda Kerbers analysis of the Roman citizenship can still be applied to Irish republicanism. To conclude therefore, in the recent aftermath with the incoporation of abortion, divorce and equal pay onto Sinn Fein’s manifesto. The apparent ease that females can now progress through the party while simultaneously remaining outside the policy formulation process is testimont to republicanisms sophistication. The chances of a female participant on the Army Council remains as unlikely as ever as does the prospect of the release of statements from Miss P. O’Neill.

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